Yes, The Re-Education Camp Manual Does Apply Domestically To U.S. Citizens

Yes, The Re-Education Camp Manual Does Apply Domestically to U.S. Citizens




The time for denial is over

Paul Joseph Watson
Infowars.com
Friday, May 4, 2012


RELATED: Leaked U.S. Army Document Outlines Plan For Re-Education Camps In America

A shocking U.S. Army manual that describes how political activists in prison camps will be indoctrinated by specially assigned psychological operations officers contains numerous clear references to the fact that the policies do apply domestically to U.S. citizens.

Despite the fact that the manual is well over 300 pages long and would take hours to read properly, within minutes of posting our story yesterday a minority of commenters were claiming that the policies outlined in the document only pertained to foreign combat operations and did not apply domestically to U.S. citizens.

This is similar to the denial witnessed prior to the passage of the NDAA when some argued that the indefinite detention provisions did not apply to American citizens despite numerous legal analysts asserting they did and President Barack Obama himself acknowledging they did when he signed the bill.

Click here to read the full document entitled FM 3-39.40 Internment and Resettlement Operations.



The most alarming portion of the document appears on page 56 and makes it clear that detention camps will have PSYOP teams whose responsibility will be to use “indoctrination programs to reduce or remove antagonistic attitudes,” as well as targeting “political activists” with such indoctrination programs to provide “understanding and appreciation of U.S. policies and actions.”

Let’s make one thing clear – the manual primarily deals with enemy combatants captured and detained in foreign prison camps run by the U.S. Military. However, another thing that is just as clear from reading the manual in full is the fact that it also applies to citizens detained within the United States, whether they be DCs (displaced citizens) or “civilian internees,” in other words citizens who are detained for, “security reasons, for protection, or because he or she committed an offense against the detaining power.”

Firstly, throughout the manual there are scores of references to how the U.S. Army would work together with the DHS, ICE and FEMA (page 24) to implement the policies “within U.S. territory” as part of “civil support operations” in the aftermath of “man-made disasters, accidents, terrorist attacks and incidents in the U.S. and its territories.” (page 38).



“The handling of DCs (displaced citizens) is also a mission that may be performed in support of disaster relief or other emergencies within the United States or U.S. territories during civil support operations,” states page 33. Page 56 also states that it is the responsibility of the PSYOP officer to “control detainee and DC populations during emergencies.”

“Resettlement conducted as a part of civil support operations will always be conducted in support of another lead agency (Federal Emergency Management Agency, Department of Homeland Security)” states page 37.

All these passages make it clear that the policies outlined on page 56 are also applicable within U.S. territory as part of “civil support operations” conducted in partnership with domestic federal agencies like the DHS and ICE. The U.S. Immigration authorities have no role in detaining prisoners in Afghanistan and Iraq and neither do other U.S. agencies also listed in the document such as the Public Health Service (page 224).

The document also contains numerous references to U.S. citizens (notably pages 13, 41). Page 13 notes how “U.S. citizens will be confined separately from detainees,” meaning they will be separated from foreign prisoners in the camps

On page 146 of the manual, we learn how prisoners in the camps are to be identified.



The prisoner’s last name, first name, and middle initial are placed on the first line of a name board, and the prisoner’s social security number is placed on the second line.”

Last time I checked, the United States Social Security Administration was not responsible for handing out social security numbers to people in Afghanistan or Iraq.

On page 193 of the document, we learn that the policies outlined in the manual can be applied domestically. The language makes it clear that so long as the President passes an executive order to nullify Posse Comitatus, the law that forbids the military from engaging in domestic law enforcement, the policies “may be performed as domestic civil support operations.”



The manual states, “These operations may be performed as domestic civil support operations,” and adds that “The authority to approve resettlement such operations within U.S. territories,” would require a “special exception” to The Posse Comitatus Act, which can be obtained via “the President invoking his executive authority.”

These examples are just a handful of a plethora contained in the 326 page ‘Internment and Resettlement’ document which prove that the policies in the manual apply not only to foreign prisoners abroad, but also to American citizens within the United States.

On top of this, we have the 2009 story about how the National Guard posted a number of job listings looking for “Internment/Resettlement Specialists” to work in “civilian internee camps” within the United States.

The time for denial is over. People spent weeks arguing over the ‘indefinite detention’ provisions of the National Defense Authorization Act, ignoring assertions by top scholars and legal experts that the kidnapping provisions did apply to U.S. citizens.

It appears as though cognitive dissonance is causing some people to desperately search for any way of denying the shocking truth contained in these Army documents. This is particularly prevalent amongst Democrats and liberals, whose support for the cult of Barack Obama has blinded them to the fact that his administration is passing legislation which in many cases is far more draconian than anything Bush signed into law.

Take this comment for example from the Democratic Underground forum. Linking to our article from yesterday, a user writes, “A friend of mine just posted (as he usually does) a ridiculous article from InfoWars and it’s pissing me off to no end. I’m trying to find stuff to continuously disprove this drivel, and I’m probably wasting my time. Anyone able to help on this particular “story”?”

The individual does not even have the inclination to look at the source document to find out if the story is true, they would rather just throw out ad hominem insults like “ridiculous” and “drivel”. Rather than being “pissed off” at the frightening language contained in the U.S. Army manual, the individual is “pissed off” at Infowars for reporting on it.

Yes, the U.S. Army has really written a manual which details re-education camps. Yes, the manual does apply to U.S. citizens domestically. Denying these manifestly provable facts will not make the threat go away. This is not an imaginary monster under the bed.

The time for denial is over.

From M.o.1 -- “And how we burned in the camps later, thinking: What would things have been like if every Security operative, when he went out at night to make an arrest, had been uncertain whether he would return alive and had to say good-bye to his family? Or if, during periods of mass arrests, as for example in Leningrad, when they arrested a quarter of the entire city, people had not simply sat there in their lairs, paling with terror at every bang of the downstairs door and at every step on the staircase, but had understood they had nothing left to lose and had boldly set up in the downstairs hall an ambush of half a dozen people with axes, hammers, pokers, or whatever else was at hand?... The Organs would very quickly have suffered a shortage of officers and transport and, notwithstanding all of Stalin's thirst, the cursed machine would have ground to a halt! If...if...We didn't love freedom enough. And even more – we had no awareness of the real situation.... We purely and simply deserved everything that happened afterward.” ― Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn